The House GOP has found success in the 119th Congress by keeping it all in the family.

The 220 Republicans have a narrow three-seat majority, but they have overcome policy hurdles by relying on one another — rather than Democrats — to pass legislation, a major shift from the previous Congress.

This week will test whether they can agree to send President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act to the Senate.

The House GOP conference consists of five ideological factions ranging from moderate to ultraconservative. The key representatives from each group continue to meet with Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) each week to discuss and, at times, fiercely debate legislation.

The weekly family meeting was established by Johnson’s predecessor, Kevin McCarthy (R-California), almost by accident. But the meeting and the “five families” name — a reference to the Godfather films — stuck.

While a majority of Republicans belong to at least one faction, a few have opted out. Of that group, most vote with Republicans, while lawmakers such as Reps. Thomas Massie (Kentucky) and Tim Burchett (Tennessee) are reliable holdouts and critics.

The factions are expected to be in and out of Johnson’s office this week as House GOP leaders try to find compromises on policies including Medicaid, state and local taxes, and Biden-era energy tax credits. The task is herculean, especially because the House Republican majority has never really agreed on how to cut federal spending and the deficit.

House Freedom Caucus

The most ideologically conservative group is the House Freedom Caucus. The HFC may be the smallest faction, with 31 lawmakers making up its membership, but it is definitely the loudest and, at times, the most impactful.

The group, led by Rep. Andy Harris (Maryland), has been a thorn in the GOP leadership’s side since its founding in 2015. At times, members have brawled within the group as well. During the previous term, the caucus voted out Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Georgia), Warren Davidson (Ohio) and Randy Weber (Texas) over personal disagreements, while Rep. Troy E. Nehls (Texas) resigned after Davidson was kicked out. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (Florida) left this year after most Freedom Caucus lawmakers rejected her push to allow new parents to vote remotely.

The HFC has fought to cut federal funding and sharply reduce the deficit. Many within the group are irate that Trump’s legislative agenda cuts only roughly $1.5 trillion in funding and adds $2.8 trillion in debt over the next decade, according to the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. So far, a third of the caucus members have said they would vote against Trump’s bill in current form.

Republican Study Committee

The Republican Study Committee remains the largest ideological group, with 189 lawmakers claiming membership — a majority of the House GOP conference. The RSC reflects the most commonly held conservative ideals of the Republican Party, as it often has over its 50-year tenure.

The group has wide appeal, including to members from the Problem Solvers and Freedom caucuses, and it has been known for releasing socially and economically conservative policy proposals that could serve as a road map for the GOP conference. Since 1995, the RSC has released a budget blueprint that advocates for cuts in nondefense spending.

The group largely considers itself a defender of the Trump administration and is supportive of pushing his agenda through the House.

Main Street Caucus

The Republican Main Street Caucus stands at the center — but don’t call its members moderates. They hail from ruby-red areas to swing districts and represent a range of opinions. The through line for them is their willingness to cut deals to ensure conservative policy goals are met.

Rep. Don Bacon (Nebraska), who hails from a swing district, relaunched the group at the beginning of 2020 — the first iteration dissolved in 2019 after disagreements with an affiliated PAC — as an offshoot of the Republican Governance Group. It is now under the direction of Chair Dusty Johnson (South Dakota) and Vice Chair Mike Flood (Nebraska).

The group proved pivotal during the previous Congress as a faction that hammers out deals with pragmatic members of the ultraconservative Freedom Caucus, particularly when it comes to disagreements over federal spending. It is possible the group may have to smooth out more differences this week.

Republican Governance Group

The Republican Governance Group, or the RG2, as it is informally called, was established in 1994 after Republicans regained the majority for the first time in decades. Since then, the group has undergone a name change — it was once called the Tuesday Group after the day its members would gather for lunch — and evolved to become the home for fiscally and socially moderate Republicans.

The group remains faithful to GOP leadership and open to finding consensus with Democrats if necessary. Of its 46 members, 10 represent competitive swing districts. Rep. David G. Valadao (California) chairs the group this term, a pick lawmakers supported because Valadao, as one of the most vulnerable incumbents, could ensure that House Republicans do not take politically toxic votes that could risk the majority in 2026.

Several lawmakers in the group have concerns over Trump’s legislative agenda. Six are demanding Johnson raise the cap on state and local tax deductions, while others remain concerned about how addressing that issue may further change accessibility to safety net programs.

Problem Solvers Caucus

The Problem Solvers Caucus is the only bipartisan ideological group in the House, making it the most moderate of the five families. Its membership is quite exclusive — a lawmaker can be accepted only if a member from the opposing party joins at the same time. Forty-eight members make up the group, including 22 Republicans.

This term the Republican side is under the leadership of Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (Pennsylvania), who represents a swing district then-Vice President Kamala Harris won in 2024. Given that Republicans have pushed Democrats aside in a GOP-led Washington, the group has not been sought out as much by leaders to propose bipartisan solutions. The group was established in 2017.